Kyrkan gör det som teologin föreskriver: tar ställning mot de europeiska folkens existens.
Så här skriver Julius Evola om katolska kyrkans lismande för "de progressiva" historiska krafterna i Men Among the Ruins, kapitel 11:
http://www.juliusevola.com/julius_ev...ngtheRuins.pdf
Citat:
Aside from the relativist Catholic view that no particular political regime may be
regarded as "willed by God" or even accorded special acknowledgment; and after the De Maistre, Bonald, Donoso Cortes, and the Syllabus have passed, Catholicism
has been characterized by political maneuvering and by its taking advantage of various
situations, avoiding any stance that is too committed. Inevitably, the Church's sympathies must gravitate toward a democratic-liberal political system. Moreover, Catholicism had for a long time espoused the theory of "natural right," which hardly agrees with the positive and differentiated right on which a strong and hierarchical State can he built.
Nowadays things have deteriorated in the sense of a rapid, disturbing collapse of every
valid element in Catholicism, and in the sense of a desire to "be in tune with the times," with the modern world, and with the direction of history.
Militant Catholics like Maritain had revived Bergson's formula according to which "democracy is essentially evangelical"; they tried to demonstrate that the democratic
impulse in history appears as a temporal manifestation of the authentic Christian and
Catholic spirit. But this is not the end of it; in the climate of "opening to the Left" it
seems that not only isolated intellectuals, but the highest Catholic hierarchies as well,
do not hesitate to bestow this consecration on Marxism itself, and to engage in "dialogue"
with communism, in order not to be "left behind."
By now, the categorical condemnations of modernism and progressivism are a thing of the past. Teilhard de Chardin, with his updated version of Catholicism in regard to science and evolutionism, is
about to be rehabilitated. This may also be the case for Ernesto Bonaiuti, the modernist
apostle of a purely social view of Catholicism; and of Mounier, who, while opposing both
capitalism and communism, does not conceal his sympathies for the latter, deploring
the Church for not being the first to take an initiative analogous to the proletarian-
communist revolution (Maritain's own view). When today's Catholics reject the
"medieval residues" of their tradition; when Vatican II and its implementations have
pushed for debilitating forms of "bringing things up to date"; when popes uphold the
United Nations (a ridiculous hybrid and illegitimate organization) practically as the
prefiguration of a future Christian ecumene—this leaves no doubts as to the direction in
which the Church is being dragged. All things considered, Catholicism's capability of
providing adequate support for a revolutionary-conservative and traditionalist
movement must be resolutely denied.
